Bu Zhou Fangyin.
"Almost all analysts inside China, including many affiliated with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, opposed the East China Sea ADIZ...But China’s military, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), seems to have dominated the decision-making process, ensuring a more aggressive posture."
"there is also the very thorny technical problem of trying to set up an ADIZ over the South China Sea: The more than 40 tiny features in the Spratly Islands occupied by claimant states are very close to one another....How should China determine the radius of its ADIZ from its islands and reefs without creating further tensions with other claimant states?"
By Feng Zhang.
"In late 2013, Beijing started taking a very different approach to sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea...Instead of directly confronting the other regional claimant states, Beijing began the rapid consolidation of, and construction on, the maritime features already under its control."
"Is Beijing changing its strategy in the South China Sea or backing down because of pressure from Washington?...A more accurate way of looking at the issue, however, is to see that Beijing believes it has achieved enough in this round of island construction."
"land reclamation on the current scale and pace is threatening the policy priority of building a maritime Silk Road through Southeast Asia."
"It would be true strategic folly if unrestrained land reclamation serves no significant interests other than to drive ASEAN countries into the arms of the United States."
"The signing of the long-expected China-US army dialogue mechanism and the country's upcoming agreement on the air-to-air annex to the code of conduct on military encounters represent a leap forward in the relationship between the countries, analysts have said."
"Guan Youfei, director of the Foreign Affairs Office of the Ministry of National Defense, said afterward that the two armies could hold joint exercises on land next year.
They vowed to reach agreement on the air-to-air annex to the code of conduct before President Xi Jinping visits the US in September.
Major General Yao Yunzhu, a senior researcher at the People's Liberation Army's Academy of Military Science, said, 'The annex on air-to-air encounters aims to prevent crises, while the dialogue mechanism between the armies mainly helps with cooperation.'"
By Robert Zoellick, former president of the World Bank and a former US Trade Representative.
"The greatest mistake the US could make is to lose the initiative in shaping a changing international system. The US should be adroit at connecting fresh prospects to the existing order so as to match new needs."
By Thomas Christensen, Boswell professor of world politics and director of the China and the World Program at Princeton University. Also a former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs.
"The U.S. has ways to reduce a threat posed by China’s ability to wage asymmetric warfare. But a future U.S. president might be reluctant to use some of the more effective methods the American military has at its disposal"
"No U.S. president has ever launched robust conventional attacks against the homeland of a nation with nuclear retaliatory capability."
"If the U.S. were to attack missile systems and submarines for the purpose of protecting against conventional attack early in a conflict, Washington could unintentionally compromise portions of China’s nuclear arsenal as well. Chinese leaders could mistakenly view this as an attempt to eliminate China’s nuclear deterrent, risking escalation."
"a combination of U.S. power and resolve on the one hand, and diplomatic assurances on the other, can calm potentially volatile situations involving emotional sovereignty claims and a rising China."
"The vision statement — which is not legally-binding — was accompanied by concrete deliverables as well. For instance, Carter announced that the United States would provide $18 million to the Vietnamese Coast Guard to purchase American Metal Shark patrol vessels. This builds on existing U.S. efforts to assist Vietnam’s coast guard in the face of growing Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea, not just through providing equipment but also training and curriculum development. He also announced that the Pentagon was stationing a peacekeeping expert at the American embassy in Vietnam to help educate and guide Vietnam’s entry into global peacekeeping operations."
"Evan Medeiros, a China expert who has worked at the National Security Council during all of Obama's tenure, will step down as the agency's Asia director on Thursday, officials said. He will be replaced by Daniel Kritenbrink, the deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing.
White House officials said the personnel change did not portend any shift in U.S. policy toward China. Foreign policy experts in Washington who know Medeiros described his departure as a personal decision after a long run at the NSC, where officials work long hours under high-pressure situations."
By Thomas Christensen, Boswell professor of world politics and director of the China and the World Program at Princeton University, and a former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs.
"Measures of the overall balance of power between two countries are most relevant when considering wars of survival, such as World War I and World War II. But most international security politics involves coercive diplomacy and limited military engagements short of full-scale war. In such struggles, geography, politics, psychology and perceptions can play an even more important role than the military balances of power"
"Transposed to the offshore realm, active defense means sniping at U.S. Pacific Fleet reinforcements steaming to the relief of Japan, Taiwan, or some other beleaguered ally during a conflict. U.S. Pacific Fleet expeditionary forces would arrive in the theater battered and overextended.
Luring U.S. Navy expeditionary forces in deep while pummeling them with missiles and torpedoes would help even the force balance. Active defense would grant PLA commanders some prospect for victory should a major fleet action transpire off Asian coasts."
"The missile, which had a reported range of more than 500 kilometers (300 miles), was fired from a southern launch pad, said an official at Seoul's Defense Ministry who spoke on condition of anonymity because of office rules."
"The 2012 U.S. deal allows South Korea to possess ballistic missiles with a range of up to 800 kilometers (500 miles). A previous 2001 accord with Washington had barred South Korea from deploying ballistic missiles with a range of more than 300 kilometers (186 miles) because of concerns about a regional arms race."
An archive of news and resources on East Asian security. Rather than adhering to a particular political agenda, this archive aims to bring together diverse and insightful resources found while conducting research.